Conflict-Affected Cultures and Societies
DC 8 Tit For Tat - Revenge And Retaliation
SOME DYNAMICS OF CONFLICT-AFFECTED CULTURES AND SOCIETIES 8 DC 8: TIT-FOR-TAT-REVENGE AND RETALIATION Tit-for-tat urges for retaliation and revenge rapidly escalate between opponen.
Source: Nurturing Hope, Conflict-Affected Cultures and Societies, May 22 Final The Understanding Conflict Trust - Nurturing Hope - 4 Conflict Affected Cultures and Societies.pdf, pages 52-56
SOME DYNAMICS OF CONFLICT-AFFECTED CULTURES AND SOCIETIES 8 DC 8: TIT-FOR-TAT-REVENGE AND RETALIATION Tit-for-tat urges for retaliation and revenge rapidly escalate between opponents, and between their supporters, too readily often drawn in to their actions of lawlessness. Such dynamics destroy any existing order and can generate a chaos in which all can be destroyed. Agreed and fair law and order structures are essential to the working of secure societies. Such structures hold both the offenders and those offended against to account. The offender is told that their behavior is unacceptable. Those offended against are also told that retaliation and revenge are not acceptable nor allowed.
Ideally agreed law and order both criminalises the person who carries out a violent action and, at the same time, cuts any tendency or wish by the victim, or his friends and family, to act in a violent retaliatory manner. In a conflict-affected society, in the medium-term, people and organisations need to be aware of such tendencies and establish agreements and structures to make their escalation less likely. In the longer-term such actions can only be ended through strong and agreed law and order institutions. Recognising the dynamics of vendetta and retaliation. Policing becomes a fundamental issue when the law is eroded. At the beginning of the Northern Ireland conflict the British Government felt that it had become necessary to use the army to support the civil power. In such an environment all involved readily became anxious, including the police. “I made contact with the police when we were getting the threatening phone calls. I was up in the police station and talked to the police. (The phone calls were threats to the speakers life) I went to the police, and they brought in the detectives who said ‘Be very careful because, I can assure you, these boys (those who were threatening her) don’t care what they do’. The Police Community Relations officer said to me, ‘We could come out and sit on your doorstep, but we would only draw attention to ourselves. It is up to you what you do, the decision is going to be yours whether you decide to go ahead or not. All I can say to you is, that some night you might send for us and we won’t be able to come because of where you live. The situation could be a real ambush for us, of that there is no doubt’”. (Woman in peace group) In the example above, the person was not able to gain reassurance about her safety from a police officer. At that time, the police were part of a criminal justice system that did not have the support of all parties! The officer believed that he could not successfully apprehend those who threatened her. When the law was not able to act without fear or favour, the emergence of tit-for-tat killings and local vigilante operations in Northern Ireland became tolerated, and even approved of by some. Within some facilitated groups, the experience of tit for tat made sense for many people. When speaking about these experiences in the past and present they began to understand how tit-for- tat movements emerged. They acknowledged how their views, as citizens, were so easily shaped by mutual antagonism and that they often retreated back into their identity tradition.
In a small, predominantly Catholic town, a march by a Protestant group was to take place. Community workers spoke of how for weeks before people had “been taking sides for, or against, the marchers and whether they had a right to march. We could see established community relations links dissolving before our eyes. The contagion of fear spread almost at once, driving people into their respective camps, seeking safety and moving away from their new contacts. The police were dragged into it, in terms of whether they were going to marshal the march, re-route it or ban it. No one could see them as just the police who were there to protect the law.” (Cross Community Group) From this experience, people learned how there was an absence of commonly respected authority at the community level in Northern Ireland at the time of the conflict and before the 1998 Peace Agreement, In a more secure society a respected criminal justice authority would have been able to cut the fears and diminish the threat. Without such a transcending authority, fears easily grew and the possibility of tit-for-tat exchanges grew. After some people shared their experiences of violence in Northern Ireland, other members of the facilitated group began to understand how people were often attacked for the tradition they come from, not for anything they had done themselves. Attacks were, rarely, just on the people who were directly hurt. They were a message to a much bigger group of peoplexxi. “When a close relative (a Protestant) was killed by a paramilitary group, I could feel myself moving away from the mixed friendships I had and moving more towards my immediate family circle. The unanimous way they all condemned the action, those in church and all I had known for many years, was a comfort to me. They were such a strong support for me. I even began to agree with sectarian comments they made, which I would never have associated myself with before. Through this all, my Catholic friends kept in touch, they visited me and my relatives. They were not put off by the hardening in my attitudes, or the strong feelings against Catholics that developed in the area after the shooting. They saved me from becoming bitter and, in the end, I moved back to them again and away from remaining extreme. Some of my Protestant friends moved this way too and they’re grateful the Catholic friends stuck by us.” (An adult cross- community group member) In such a situation, an attack often was understood to be against all of ‘us’. If people think that an attack upon some person, like them or close to them, was an attack upon the whole group of whom the person was representative, it had a massive effect. This was not like an isolated murder in a normal society.
DC 8: TIT-FOR-TAT-REVENGE AND RETALIATION
INVITATION
If you feel able to, please scribble some notes or write a longer diary type entry about any experience of tit for tat that you have been involved in with friends or opponents.
REFLECT ON OUR OWN
An example of ‘tit for tat’ . Can you recall a situation: in a playground or sports pitch; in a street or sporting club; in a religious or cultural group; school or college class: where one member was attacked, verbally or physically, and others quickly joined in, on both sides, to hurl more abuse or even fight one another?
INVITATION
TO EXPLORE How did such a rapid and hurtful exchange escalate so quickly? Were the people pulled back, in any way, by an intervention that stopped it? OR Did it run its bitter course? What do you remember of this event and what was your response to it?
REFLECT ON YOUR OWN
Find Your Voice
Can you recall as a child being involved in a tit-for-tat exchange between you and siblings or friends? How did it start? How did it escalate? How did others become involved? Was there any previous history to this action, with some people seeking to right a hurt or a previous wrong? How did it end? As an adolescent can you recall a tit-for-tat situation occurring between you and friends? How did it start? How did others become involved? Was there any previous history that fuelled this escalating action? How did it end? When these incidents escalated, what made it so difficult to stop them before someone got offended, hurt or even injured?
Explore Your Reason
What ‘good reasons’ were put forward by some of the participants for the tit-for-tat exchange? Were there ever ‘good reasons’ or was it just something that escalated out of control? Did the spats come out of a longer history and a wish for revenge and setting things straight?
Examine Your Choice
Was there ever any hint of people trying to get their own back for some previous act of being hurt? What choices to end the tit-for-tat were exercised and by whom? Did you think that the tit-for-tats ever had any justification? Were there ever resolutions found; or did some adults or others just have to come in and stop it? Were any rules or agreements made about not allowing such actions to occur again?
COLLABORATIVE ACTIVITY
If you are willing now, speak about the themes above with another person or in the group of which you are a part. Hearing your own voice and the voices of others, what are you now learning about the experience of tit- for-tat dynamics? What are you learning about the urge to seek revenge? People believing they are putting right certain actions others previously did against them or those close to them?
Summary
In the absence of agreed law and order, or strong rules and procedures in workplaces, colleges, public and civic organisations, the urges for revenge and retaliation can lie very close to the surface. This is especially true in conflict affected societies. Tit-for-tat actions, once released can quickly multiply, with supporters of each actor joining in with a growing momentum that sucks more people in. When tit-for-tat behaviors escalate, all can become victims. In such a chaos often overpowering and unwarranted violence can be exercised. Societies need strong sanctions against revenge to be upheld within an agreed law and order framework. Such a legal structure needs reinforced by the development of civic and organisational cultures that collectively hold people accountable for their actions and control their worst excesses.